The dark side of international development

by Caitlin Reid (she/her), OSSTF/FEESO Media and Communications Advisor

As a student in secondary school and university in the 2000s and early 2010s, the allure of helping those less fortunate than yourself around the world was inescapable. From exciting study abroad programs to specific “voluntourism trips”—vacations where you volunteer overseas, often at a school, hospital, or orphanage—there were endless possibilities to enjoy world travel while feeling like you were making a difference

On social media, it was more of the same, where every post seemed to be your friend’s latest photos from another trip abroad where they helped build a school or dig a well so a small village in Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, or Latin America could have clean water. This even became a common photo on dating profiles, where (mostly) white people showcased their philanthropy and altruism by including images of themselves helping children in the Global South.

But the call for me to contribute to something larger than myself was stronger than just a few volunteer trips a year. Many of my friends and I studied global issues, received multiple degrees in international development, and devoted our careers to helping shrink the global wealth gap between wealthier, industrialized countries in the Global North, and lower-income, less industrialized countries in the Global South.

Little did we know that the cause we were devoting our lives and careers to was actually in large part contributing to the global wealth gap. That oftentimes, foreign aid—when wealthy countries donate aid money for humanitarian or development projects—is just a cover for countries’ and corporations’ more nefarious business and political activities in lower income countries. We also didn’t understand the impact of colonialism on international development and that the old colonial power imbalances still frame most of the interactions between the Global North and the Global South to this day.

Many people believe that colonialism is the antithesis of international development. I personally received many positive affirmations from strangers and loved ones for simply working in the international non-profit sector. But the truth is that the international development sector, as we know it, developed at the end of the European colonial period and has never fully removed itself from those power dynamics. In fact, this sector often replicates rather than dismantles colonialism.
When the European powers were carving up lands and drawing borders on the world’s maps, they were deliberate in creating arbitrary national borders that primarily suited their resource extraction needs and ignored or intentionally divided ethnic groups and traditional lands. When the empires fell, European and North American corporations often stayed behind to continue to extract precious resources by the trillions.

In fact, the industrialization of the North was fuelled by resources extracted from the Global South. In a 2021 Al Jazeera article, it was estimated that more than $152 trillion USD has been taken from the Global South and sent to mainly European and North American countries since 1960. The billions donated to the Global South each year may sound large but when put into context, they are just a fraction of the wealth created in the north by draining lower income countries of their valuable natural resources and taking advantage of cheap labour.

Canada is not immune to these global forces. When Stephen Harper was Prime Minister, the Canadian government was quite explicit that foreign aid would be tied to Canada’s business interests. Not the interests of the people receiving the aid, which is what most people assume to be the entire point of foreign aid.

An internal 2013 report by the Canadian International Development Agency (now part of Global Affairs Canada) stated that “Canada’s commercial interests have become a key consideration in determining how much aid a developing country will receive” (Canadian International Development Agency).

The Harper government would go on to prioritize aid to countries where Canada’s mining companies had interests, including Mongolia, Peru, Bolivia, Ghana, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Non-profit organizations touting the importance of poverty alleviation and ecological sustainability were made to partner with mining companies on pilot projects in those countries to receive foreign aid dollars.

For decades, Canadian mining companies have faced allegations of being severe polluters and of causing adverse health outcomes for local communities. They have also been accused of looking the other way when anti-mining activists are murdered in the Global South. Under Harper, it was clear that the interests of these companies, however nefarious or harmful they may be, would be prioritized over local communities and lands.

As a young professional in the early 2010s, it was clear in the sector that a change was needed. The focus was almost entirely on electing a new government, and not the system itself. In 2015, I was working at Canada’s mission to the United Nations in Geneva. Stephen Harper was still Prime Minister and there was a palpable, unspoken desire for change among the foreign service officers. Later that same year, we all got our wish when Trudeau was elected Prime Minister. We were all inspired by what change he promised to bring to the sector and for peoples across the globe.

Unfortunately, as with many other files, the Trudeau government failed to live up to expectations. The solidified power imbalances in the international sector proved to be formidable and his government did little to change this reality.
Ethiopia was one of the top recipients of aid under Trudeau. They also invested heavily in Ethiopia’s mining sector. In 2016, Global Affairs Canada invested $15 million in Ethiopia’s mining sector, and the program was renewed and extended in 2020. The aid and investments continued to flow even after the government marched its armies into the Tigray region and started the deadliest war of the 21st century.

It’s estimated that over 600,000 civilians have been killed in the conflict, and that ethnic cleansing and militarized rape took place at the hands of the government’s army. Many Canadians would likely be shocked to learn that during this time, Trudeau “affirmed the deep and enduring friendship between Canada and Ethiopia” (Open Canada).

A spokesperson for Global Affairs Canada at the time confirmed that Canadian mining companies with interests in the Tigray region had received some form of assistance from the federal government. Yet again, Canadian interests grossly outweighing the rights of local citizens. Even in the face of genocide and militarized rape, the Canadian government continues to choose business interests over the most critical rights of human beings.

The change we all believed in and were inspired by in 2015 ended up more of the same, and sometimes even worse, as Trudeau allowed foreign aid to flow to a government accused of genocide by the USA and European Union.
I personally left the sector in 2020, choosing to focus on domestic issues, and where I could make more of an impact in my own community. But I have no doubt that my colleagues who stayed in the sector never dreamt of being aligned with governments and organizations who either directly or indirectly contributed to genocide and weaponized rape.

I also firmly believe that the aid organizations who accept money from governments looking to shore up their mining and other business interests at the expense of the lives of local communities should be held to account for their actions. It’s not good enough to say that the programs they offer are so important that it’s okay for them to continue to accept aid money that is helping prop up ruthless autocrats.

If Canada’s mining operations are causing immense pollution overseas, how could a non-profit’s environmental programming ever outweigh the damage? If Canada is donating billions to a regime that’s accused of genocide and mass rape, how could a gender equality program run by a Canadian non-profit ever truly correct the damage committed against the rape victims?

If we are to contribute positively overseas, we cannot ignore our country’s true impact in those same places. It’s not okay to think that our own personal or professional goals could ever justify the mass destruction caused by large corporations or autocratic governments propped up by wealthy countries.

Now, when I think about international solidarity, I no longer think about the glossy images of voluntourism that used to flood my feeds. I think about the activists and workers in the Global South who are leading their own fights for justice, often against the very governments and corporations headquartered in our own backyard. I think about how I can use my position, my privilege, and my voice to support those struggles—not by centring myself in them, but by working to dismantle the systems that fuel inequality at home and abroad.

This is where unions can and must come in. We are not beholden to corporate or federal money to control where and how we operate internationally. We must recognize these dynamics and refuse to be complicit in them. True solidarity is not about positioning ourselves as saviours but about understanding the systemic forces at play and working alongside our comrades in the Global South to challenge them. This means:

1. Learning before acting—We must approach international solidarity with humility, recognizing that we often have more to learn than to teach. The struggles of workers in lower-income countries are not fundamentally different from our own, and their organizing strategies can offer us valuable lessons.
2. Fighting at home first—One of the most effective ways to support international justice is by confronting the ways our own country contributes to global exploitation. This includes challenging unfair trade policies, advocating for ethical investment practices, and holding our governments accountable for policies that perpetuate economic and social inequalities abroad.
3. Challenging the aid narrative—Instead of uncritically supporting development programs that may reinforce colonial structures, we should advocate for direct partnerships with grassroots organizations in the Global South. Support should be led by the needs and priorities of these communities, rather than dictated by external actors from the North.
4. Resisting corporate capture of development—Many aid initiatives are driven by corporate interests rather than genuine development goals. We must be vigilant in ensuring that our international partnerships do not inadvertently reinforce exploitative labour practices or environmental destruction.

International solidarity is not an act of charity—it is a commitment to justice. It requires us to see the connections between global exploitation and our own struggles as workers. If we want to support our colleagues in the Global South, we must first dismantle the systems of inequality that our own countries help to uphold.

By challenging the dominant narratives around aid and development, we can move beyond performative solidarity and work toward real systemic change. This means working in true partnership with those fighting for economic and social justice worldwide, recognizing that their struggles are not separate from our own, but deeply intertwined.

The fight for a fairer world starts with understanding how wealth and power truly flow—and refusing to be complicit in the structures that perpetuate inequality. This truth must inform how we as labour organizations engage with and support global aid and how we situate our international solidarity efforts. Only then can we build a movement rooted in genuine international solidarity, one that uplifts all workers, regardless of borders.

 

WORKS CITED
Naranjo, José. “Ethiopia’s forgotten war is the deadliest of the 21st century, with around 600,000 civilian deaths.” El País, 27 Jan., 2023, https://english.elpais.com/international/2023-01-27/ethiopias-forgotten-war-is-the-deadliest-of-the-21st-century-with-around-600000-civilian-deaths.html
Zelalem, Zecharia. “Trade Trumps Human Rights for Trudeau in Ethiopia’s Civil War.” Open Canada, April 13, 2022, https://opencanada.org/canada-ethiopia-civil-war/
Canadian International Development Agency. CIDA: 2013 Internal Report. Global Affairs Canada, 2013.